School of Thought1920s–1930s (early analytic philosophy and logical positivism)

Emotivism

Emotivism
From English “emotion” + suffix “-ism,” indicating a doctrine that grounds moral judgments in feelings or emotional attitudes rather than in facts.
Origin: Oxford and Cambridge (United Kingdom); Vienna Circle influence (Vienna, Austria)

Moral judgments are expressions of emotion or attitude, not descriptions of moral facts.

At a Glance

Quick Facts
Founded
1920s–1930s (early analytic philosophy and logical positivism)
Origin
Oxford and Cambridge (United Kingdom); Vienna Circle influence (Vienna, Austria)
Structure
loose network
Ended
Late 1960s–1970s (as a dominant meta-ethical position) (gradual decline)
Ethical Views

As a meta-ethical theory, Emotivism does not prescribe a specific list of duties, virtues, or outcomes; instead it analyzes what we are doing when we make moral claims. It understands ‘good,’ ‘right,’ and ‘ought’ as tools for expressing approval, disapproval, or recommendations rather than for reporting independent moral properties. Moral evaluation becomes a matter of expressing and coordinating attitudes—praise, blame, preference—within social life. Emotivists often acknowledge that moral discourse displays patterns (e.g., consistency, coherence, universality) but treat these as features of how we manage attitudes, not as evidence for objective moral truth.

Metaphysical Views

Emotivism is typically moral non-realistic: it denies the existence of objective, stance-independent moral properties or facts. Moral predicates do not refer to metaphysical entities in the world but are tied to emotional reactions and attitudes of agents. Ontologically it is minimalist about moral reality, often aligned with the anti-metaphysical tendencies of logical positivism, which rejected unverifiable metaphysical claims as cognitively meaningless.

Epistemological Views

Emotivists deny that moral judgments are cognitive beliefs that can be true or false, so there is no moral knowledge in the traditional sense. Moral statements are not justified by evidence or rational demonstration of moral facts but by their effectiveness in expressing and shaping attitudes. Reason has a secondary role: it can clarify empirical beliefs, expose inconsistencies, and reveal the non-moral facts relevant to our attitudes, but it cannot by itself yield ultimate moral conclusions. Moral disagreements thus cannot be conclusively settled by rational proof, only by persuasion, emotional appeal, or changes in attitudes.

Distinctive Practices

Emotivism has no distinctive ritual or communal lifestyle; its influence is primarily theoretical. In practice it encourages critical analysis of moral and political language, sensitivity to the persuasive and rhetorical dimensions of ethical discourse, and a certain skepticism toward claims of objective moral authority. Philosophers working in the tradition engage in logical analysis of ethical statements, clarification of emotive versus descriptive meaning, and examination of how moral language shapes social attitudes and behavior.

1. Introduction

Emotivism is a meta-ethical theory that interprets moral judgments as expressions of emotion or attitude rather than as descriptions of objective moral facts. When someone says “Stealing is wrong,” emotivists maintain that the speaker is not reporting a truth-evaluable property of stealing, but instead expressing disapproval and often seeking to influence others’ attitudes and actions.

The theory belongs to the broader family of noncognitivist views, which deny that moral sentences, taken strictly in their ethical use, are straightforwardly true or false. Emotivists contrast emotive meaning—the capacity of moral language to express and evoke feelings—with descriptive meaning, which purports to represent how the world is.

Emotivism emerged in the early to mid‑20th century within analytic philosophy, influenced by logical positivism’s emphasis on empirical verification and its suspicion of traditional metaphysics. It became prominent through the works of A. J. Ayer and Charles L. Stevenson, and later contributed to the development of more sophisticated forms of expressivism and quasi‑realism.

The theory is typically interpreted as a form of moral anti‑realism: it denies stance‑independent moral properties and treats moral discourse as grounded in human attitudes. Emotivism therefore recasts questions about moral “truth,” “knowledge,” and “disagreement” as questions about how people feel, what they are committed to, and how they try to coordinate or reshape each other’s attitudes through language.

While emotivism does not supply a normative ethical system, it offers an account of what people are doing when they use moral terms such as “good,” “bad,” “right,” and “ought,” and how such language functions in personal, social, and political life.

2. Historical Origins and Founding Context

Emotivism arose in the 1920s–1930s, primarily in the Anglophone analytic tradition, against the backdrop of logical positivism and a broader reorientation of philosophy toward language and scientific method.

2.1 Early Analytic and Positivist Milieu

The Vienna Circle and allied thinkers advanced the verification principle, according to which a statement is cognitively meaningful only if it is empirically verifiable or analytically true. Traditional moral and metaphysical claims appeared to violate this criterion, encouraging reinterpretations of ethical discourse that would avoid committing to non‑empirical “moral facts.”

In Britain, philosophers at Oxford, Cambridge, and the London School of Economics took up these themes. Emotivism emerged as one way to preserve the apparent importance of moral discourse while aligning with the positivists’ suspicion of non‑empirical metaphysics.

2.2 Timeline and Key Contextual Factors

PeriodContext and Developments
1900–1920Rise of analytic philosophy; focus on logic and language (Russell, Moore).
1920s–1930sLogical positivism formulates the verification principle; ethics seen as non‑cognitive.
Late 1930s–1940sA. J. Ayer and C. L. Stevenson articulate canonical emotivist views.
1950s–1960sEmotivism widely discussed and taught; related noncognitivist theories (e.g., prescriptivism) emerge.
Late 1960s–1970sCritiques from ordinary language philosophy, moral realism, and new meta-ethics contribute to emotivism’s decline as a dominant view.

2.3 Institutional and Social Setting

Emotivism developed mainly in:

  • Oxford and Cambridge, where analytic philosophy and logical analysis of language were central.
  • University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, where Stevenson worked and elaborated his theory.
  • Intellectual networks linking British universities with the Vienna Circle, through visits, publications, and translations.

Its rise coincided with interwar and post‑war debates about science, religion, and social reform. Many philosophers sought a rigorous, scientifically respectable picture of ethics that avoided contentious metaphysics and aligned with empiricist standards. Emotivism is widely interpreted as one influential response within this setting.

3. Etymology of the Name "Emotivism"

The term “Emotivism” derives from the English word “emotion” combined with the suffix “-ism”, which designates a doctrine or theoretical stance. The name thus signals a view that centers emotional or affective states in explaining the nature of moral judgments.

3.1 Linguistic Components

ComponentOrigin and Meaning
emotionFrom Latin emovere (“to move out, agitate”), via French émotion; connotes feelings that “move” or motivate agents.
-ismA common English suffix marking systems of belief or theory (e.g., realism, utilitarianism), here indicating a philosophical position.

“Emotivism” is not an exonym coined by opponents; it is a descriptive label that fits the self‑presentation of early proponents, especially those who spoke explicitly of the emotive element of ethical language.

3.2 Emergence and Usage of the Label

A. J. Ayer did not initially use the term “emotivism” in Language, Truth and Logic (1936), though his account of ethical statements as expressions of feeling strongly contributed to what later came to be called emotivism. The label became common as commentators grouped Ayer’s view with Charles L. Stevenson’s more detailed analysis of emotive meaning and disagreement in attitude.

Over time, “emotivism” has been used in both narrow and broad senses:

  • In a narrow sense, it refers specifically to mid‑20th‑century theories that analyze moral terms primarily as expressions of approval or disapproval—often popularized as the “boo–hurrah theory.”
  • In a broader sense, some authors loosely apply “emotivism” to a wider class of noncognitivist or attitude‑expressivist views, though specialists often prefer more specific labels such as “expressivism” or “quasi‑realism” for later developments.

The etymology underscores the central emotive function that these theories attribute to ethical language, distinguishing them from views that see moral discourse as fundamentally descriptive or truth‑reporting.

4. Intellectual Precursors and Influences

Emotivism did not arise in isolation; it drew on, and reacted to, earlier traditions in ethics, epistemology, and philosophy of language.

4.1 Humean Sentimentalism

David Hume is frequently identified as a major precursor. His claim that morality is “more properly felt than judg’d of” and his emphasis on the passions as drivers of action foreshadow the emotivist focus on emotion and attitude. Emotivists often cite Hume’s is–ought distinction as support for the view that moral evaluations are not straightforwardly derivable from factual descriptions.

4.2 Moore and Non-Naturalism

G. E. Moore’s non‑naturalist realism in Principia Ethica (1903) provided both inspiration and a target. His open‑question argument suggested that moral terms like “good” cannot be analytically reduced to natural properties. Emotivists accepted the irreducibility but drew a different conclusion: rather than positing sui generis moral properties, they reinterpreted moral predicates as primarily expressing attitudes.

4.3 Logical Positivism and the Verification Principle

Logical positivists such as Moritz Schlick, Rudolf Carnap, and others influenced emotivism’s treatment of ethical statements as non‑cognitive. Given the verification principle, value‑statements seemed neither empirically verifiable nor analytically true, prompting accounts on which such utterances express feelings, prescriptions, or other non‑factual states.

4.4 Early Analytic Reflections on Ethics

Bertrand Russell’s occasional noncognitivist remarks, and general analytic attention to logical form and meaning, laid groundwork for viewing moral language as performing non‑descriptive functions. Discussions of “the emotive meaning of words” in early 20th‑century semantics and rhetoric also influenced Stevenson’s terminology.

4.5 Social and Psychological Currents

Broader intellectual currents—such as early 20th‑century psychology of emotions, behaviorism, and interest in propaganda and political rhetoric—also shaped emotivism. Stevenson, in particular, drew on empirical and sociological observations about how evaluative terms shape group attitudes and behavior.

Together, these influences encouraged a conception of ethics that is empirically informed, linguistically oriented, and wary of robust moral metaphysics, providing the soil in which emotivism took root.

5. Core Doctrines of Emotivism

Emotivism’s core doctrines articulate what moral judgments are, how moral language functions, and how moral disagreement is to be understood.

5.1 Moral Judgments as Expressions of Attitude

The central claim is that moral sentences primarily express non‑cognitive attitudes—such as approval, disapproval, or preference—rather than describe objective moral properties. To say “Lying is wrong” is, on this view, akin to saying “Boo to lying!” or “Don’t lie,” though sophisticated emotivists stress that ordinary moral language is richer and more nuanced than these simple slogans.

5.2 Emotive vs. Descriptive Meaning

Emotivists distinguish:

Type of MeaningCharacterization
DescriptiveRepresents how the world is; can be true or false.
EmotiveExpresses and evokes attitudes; not truth‑apt.

Many moral utterances have both components. For example, “Charity reduces suffering and is good” combines descriptive claims about effects with an emotive endorsement.

5.3 Disagreement in Attitude

Emotivists interpret ethical disputes fundamentally as disagreements in attitude, not just in belief. When two people disagree over whether capital punishment is wrong, proponents argue that they clash in their attitudes toward that practice, even if they share all relevant factual beliefs.

5.4 The Practical and Persuasive Function of Moral Language

Moral discourse, on the emotivist view, serves to:

  • Express the speaker’s attitudes.
  • Influence the attitudes and choices of others.
  • Coordinate social behavior and norms.

Stevenson emphasizes “dynamic” aspects: moral terms are tools for persuasion, not merely reports of internal feelings.

5.5 Noncognitivism and the Status of Moral Truth

Because moral judgments are taken to express attitudes, emotivists typically classify them as non‑cognitive. They are not, in themselves, truth‑apt beliefs, though later developments seek to explain why we continue to talk of moral “truth” and “error.” Emotivists usually deny that there are objective moral facts that could make such judgments true or false in a realist sense.

These doctrines jointly define emotivism’s distinctive analysis of ethical thought and speech, setting the stage for its metaphysical and epistemological commitments.

6. Metaphysical Views: Moral Anti-Realism

Emotivism is commonly interpreted as a form of moral anti‑realism, denying that moral properties or facts exist independently of human attitudes.

6.1 Rejection of Objective Moral Properties

Emotivists hold that predicates such as “good,” “right,” or “just” do not refer to stance‑independent properties in the world. Unlike color or mass, moral properties are not discoverable through observation or scientific investigation. Proponents argue that attempts to locate such properties either reduce them to natural facts (thereby, they claim, changing the subject) or posit mysterious non‑natural entities that conflict with empiricist metaphysics.

6.2 Ontological Minimalism About Morality

From an ontological standpoint, emotivism advocates minimalism about moral reality. On a typical reading:

  • The world contains natural and social facts (psychological states, institutions, consequences of actions).
  • Moral discourse does not add a further layer of irreducible moral facts.
  • Moral predicates function within language to express and regulate attitudes toward non‑moral facts.

This is often aligned with the logical positivists’ resistance to speculative metaphysics.

6.3 Distinguishing Emotivism from Other Anti-Realist Views

Emotivism differs from other anti‑realist positions:

ViewClaim about Moral Statements
EmotivismDo not describe facts; express attitudes; not truth‑apt.
Error TheoryAim to describe moral facts but are systematically false.
ConstructivismMoral truths are constructed from rational or social procedures.

Where error theorists retain a robust sense of moral truth but deny its instantiation, emotivists typically deny that moral assertions even purport, at their core, to state such truths.

6.4 Attitudes and the “Moral World”

Some later interpretations portray emotivism as offering a subject‑dependent or attitude‑dependent picture of moral reality: the only “moral facts” there are, if one uses that phrase, concern what people actually approve or disapprove of. Classic emotivists, however, usually resist reifying such states into moral properties; they treat them as psychological and social facts that underpin, rather than constitute, moral reality.

Debate continues among interpreters about how far emotivism can accommodate talk of moral facts or correctness without abandoning its anti‑realist core, an issue taken up explicitly by subsequent expressivist and quasi‑realist theories.

7. Epistemological Views and Moral Knowledge

Emotivism’s noncognitivist stance has direct implications for moral epistemology—how, if at all, we can be said to “know” moral truths.

7.1 Denial of Traditional Moral Knowledge

Because emotivists regard moral judgments as expressions of attitudes rather than beliefs about moral facts, they typically deny traditional moral knowledge in the sense of justified true belief about objective moral properties. On this view, there are no independent moral facts to be known; thus, moral inquiry cannot parallel scientific or mathematical inquiry.

7.2 The Role of Reason in Ethics

Emotivists do not dismiss reason altogether. Instead, they reinterpret its role:

  • Clarifying Descriptive Beliefs: Reason helps determine relevant non‑moral facts (e.g., consequences of actions, psychological effects, institutional structures).
  • Exposing Inconsistencies: Logical analysis can reveal inconsistencies among a person’s attitudes and factual beliefs, prompting revisions.
  • Instrumental Reasoning: Given certain attitudes or aims, reason identifies effective means to realize them.

However, emotivists claim that reason alone cannot settle ultimate conflicts of attitude. When two parties share all relevant facts and are fully consistent yet retain opposing fundamental attitudes, rational argument has, on this view, reached its limit.

7.3 Intuitions and Seeming Self-Evidence

Traditional intuitionists posit self‑evident moral truths known by moral intuition. Emotivists reinterpret such “intuitions” as robust, often socially shaped, attitudes or dispositions, not as a special cognitive access to moral facts. They argue that the phenomenology of certainty in moral judgment is compatible with deeply entrenched emotional commitments.

7.4 Moral Justification and Persuasion

In place of justification by evidence of moral facts, emotivists emphasize:

  • Persuasion: Appeals to shared values, vivid examples, and emotional resonance.
  • Reflective Equilibrium‑Like Processes: Adjusting attitudes and beliefs to achieve coherence, though for emotivists this yields stable attitudes rather than knowledge of objective truths.
  • Social Learning: Acquisition of moral attitudes through upbringing, education, and participation in practices.

Critics sometimes contend that this picture undermines the rational authority and objectivity of moral discourse. Emotivists respond by highlighting the significant, though limited, role of reasoning within an essentially attitudinal domain.

8. Emotivist Analysis of Ethical Language

Emotivism is fundamentally a theory about the meaning and function of ethical language. It analyzes what speakers do when they use moral words and sentences.

8.1 Emotive and Descriptive Components

Emotivists distinguish between:

  • A descriptive component, which may report non‑moral facts (e.g., “This act causes pain”).
  • An emotive component, which expresses and tends to evoke attitudes (e.g., disapproval of causing pain).

Moral terms like “good,” “bad,” “right,” and “ought” are said to carry a strong emotive charge, which accounts for their motivational and rhetorical force.

8.2 The “Boo–Hurrah” Model

Popular expositions describe emotivism as the “boo–hurrah theory”:

  • “X is wrong” ≈ “Boo to X!”
  • “Y is good” ≈ “Hurrah for Y!”

While useful as an illustration, major emotivists regard this as oversimplified. They emphasize that actual ethical language is context‑sensitive, capable of subtle evaluation, and intertwined with complex beliefs and social practices.

8.3 Stevenson’s Persuasive Definitions and Disagreement

Stevenson develops a more nuanced linguistic analysis. He introduces:

  • Persuasive definitions: redefining or emphasizing certain features of a term to preserve its descriptive core while redirecting its emotive force (e.g., redefining “democracy” to favor or disfavor specific institutions).
  • A distinction between disagreement in belief (over facts) and disagreement in attitude (over approvals/disapprovals), with ethical disagreements characterized fundamentally as the latter.

On his account, moral sentences are instruments of influence, designed not merely to state positions but to alter or stabilize attitudes.

8.4 Imperatives, Recommendations, and Prescriptions

Many emotivists note affinities between moral judgments and imperatives or recommendations. Saying “You ought to keep your promises” can function like an imperative (“Keep your promises!”), though emotivists typically refrain from reducing all moral sentences strictly to commands. They highlight that evaluative and prescriptive aspects frequently intertwine:

Utterance TypeEmotivist Function
Pure evaluationExpresses an attitude (e.g., “Cruelty is vile”).
Pure imperativeAttempts to guide action (e.g., “Don’t be cruel”).
Moral judgmentCombines evaluation and guidance.

By analyzing ethical language in these terms, emotivism seeks to explain its motivational power and its central role in social coordination without positing moral facts as its referents.

9. Ethical System and Practical Implications

Emotivism is a meta‑ethical rather than a substantive normative theory, so it does not prescribe a specific set of duties, virtues, or outcomes. Nonetheless, it has implications for how ethical practice and moral reflection are understood.

9.1 Absence of a Prescriptive Moral Code

Emotivists do not claim that their theory yields a unique list of right actions or an algorithm for resolving moral problems. Instead, any particular moral code—utilitarian, Kantian, virtue‑ethical, or otherwise—is, on this view, an organized pattern of attitudes and commitments, often expressed and reinforced through rules and principles.

9.2 Moral Deliberation as Attitude Management

Emotivism interprets moral deliberation as a process of:

  • Reflecting on and revising attitudes in light of new information.
  • Achieving greater coherence among one’s approvals, disapprovals, and empirical beliefs.
  • Considering the practical consequences of holding certain attitudes for oneself and one’s community.

While such deliberation can be highly rational, emotivists maintain that its endpoint is a configuration of attitudes rather than a discovery of objective moral truths.

9.3 Interpersonal Morality and Negotiation

In interpersonal and social contexts, emotivism portrays moral interaction as involving:

  • Persuasion and negotiation among clashing attitudes.
  • Appeal to shared values and factual considerations to shift others’ stances.
  • Recognition that some deep disagreements may remain unresolved when fundamental attitudes diverge.

This framework suggests that moral consensus, where it exists, reflects convergence of sentiments and commitments rather than joint recognition of independent moral facts.

9.4 Personal Integrity and Consistency

Emotivists often emphasize the importance of consistency and integrity within one’s pattern of attitudes. For instance, someone who condemns lying yet lies habitually might be seen as harboring conflicting attitudes, prompting either behavioral change or revision of professed judgments. Although this emphasis resembles traditional moral calls for coherence, emotivists interpret it as a matter of psychological and practical stability rather than conformity to objective norms.

9.5 Practical Ethos

In everyday life, emotivism encourages:

  • Critical scrutiny of moral rhetoric and its persuasive aims.
  • Awareness of emotional influences on moral judgment.
  • Openness to revising one’s attitudes in response to argument, experience, and empathy.

These practical implications shape how proponents conceive ethical inquiry, education, and reform within an attitude‑centered framework.

10. Political Philosophy and Moral Disagreement

Emotivism has significant implications for understanding political discourse and the nature of moral disagreement in public life.

10.1 Political Values as Attitudes

On an emotivist analysis, political principles—such as justice, rights, equality, or liberty—are not reports of political‑moral facts but expressions of collective and individual attitudes. To affirm “Equality is a fundamental political value” is primarily to express strong approval of social arrangements that track some favored notion of equality, and to invite others to share this stance.

10.2 Character of Political Disagreement

Emotivists interpret deep political conflicts as disagreements in attitude rather than merely in factual belief. Citizens and parties may agree about socioeconomic data yet differ sharply in their approvals and disapprovals of markets, welfare programs, or immigration policies. On this view, empirical information can narrow disagreements, but fundamental clashes of value remain matters of divergent emotional commitments.

10.3 Rhetoric, Propaganda, and Persuasion

Given the emotive function of evaluative language, emotivism offers tools for analyzing political rhetoric and propaganda. Political slogans and speeches often:

  • Exploit the emotive charge of terms like “freedom,” “terrorism,” or “family values.”
  • Use persuasive definitions to reframe contested concepts in value‑laden ways.
  • Aim to reshape citizens’ attitudes and allegiances rather than to present neutral descriptions.

Stevenson explicitly connects his theory to such rhetorical practices, treating moral‑political language as an instrument for guiding collective action.

10.4 Limits of Rational Resolution

In politics, as in ethics more generally, emotivists regard rational argument as:

  • Potentially effective in correcting factual errors and exposing inconsistencies.
  • Limited in its ability to resolve fundamental value conflicts once facts are agreed upon.

This has implications for democratic theory. Some commentators infer that, on an emotivist picture, stable political order depends less on discovering objective principles of justice and more on cultivating overlapping attitudes, shared symbols, and workable compromises.

10.5 Tolerance, Pluralism, and Conflict

Interpretations of emotivism’s political implications diverge:

  • Some suggest it supports tolerance and pluralism, since no party can claim objective moral authority.
  • Others worry it may encourage relativism or power politics, if persuasion reduces to emotional influence unconstrained by moral facts.

Emotivism itself does not dictate a specific political ideology, but it reframes political morality as a terrain of attitudes and rhetorical contestation rather than of discoverable, independent moral truths.

11. Major Figures and Key Texts

Several philosophers are central to the articulation, development, and legacy of emotivism.

11.1 A. J. Ayer

A. J. Ayer’s Language, Truth and Logic (1936) is often cited as the first influential statement of a recognizably emotivist view within analytic philosophy. Applying the verification principle, Ayer concludes that ethical statements lack cognitive meaning:

“If I say to someone, ‘You acted wrongly in stealing that money,’ I am not stating anything more than if I had simply said, ‘You stole that money.’ … I am simply evincing my moral disapproval of it.”

— A. J. Ayer, Language, Truth and Logic

Ayer’s account is relatively programmatic and closely tied to logical positivism.

11.2 Charles L. Stevenson

Charles L. Stevenson is widely regarded as emotivism’s most systematic theorist. In Ethics and Language (1944) and related essays, he develops:

  • The distinction between descriptive and emotive meaning.
  • The notion of disagreement in attitude.
  • The analysis of moral language as dynamic and persuasive.

Stevenson’s work situates emotivism within a broader philosophy of language and communication.

While not always labeled emotivists, several thinkers contributed closely related theories:

  • Bertrand Russell, whose early remarks suggested a noncognitivist approach to values.
  • R. M. Hare, whose prescriptivism interprets moral judgments as universalizable prescriptions rather than mere expressions of feeling, but shares emotivism’s noncognitivist orientation.

11.4 Later Expressivist Heirs

Later 20th‑century philosophers reworked emotivist themes into more sophisticated expressivist frameworks:

FigureKey Works (Meta-Ethics)Relation to Emotivism
Simon BlackburnSpreading the Word (1984), Ruling Passions (1998)Develops quasi‑realism, explaining realist‑like moral discourse within an expressivist base.
Allan GibbardWise Choices, Apt Feelings (1990)Offers a norm‑expressivist theory extending emotivist insights.

Although these figures go beyond classical emotivism, they are often presented as its intellectual descendants, refining its analysis of moral language while addressing objections concerning truth, logic, and objectivity.

12. Relations to Rival Meta-Ethical Theories

Emotivism occupies a distinctive position in meta‑ethics, defined by its stance on moral language and reality. Its relations to rival theories turn on differences regarding truth‑aptitude, metaphysics, and rational justification.

12.1 Moral Realism

Moral realism claims that:

  • There exist objective moral facts or properties.
  • Moral statements aim to describe these facts and can be true or false.

Realists argue that moral discourse and practice presuppose such objectivity. Emotivists, by contrast, deny that moral predicates refer to independent moral properties, treating them as tools for expressing attitudes. This yields a direct conflict over the metaphysical status of morality and the truth‑value of moral claims.

12.2 Ethical Intuitionism

Ethical intuitionism (or moral intuitionism) posits self‑evident moral truths accessible by a special faculty of intuition. Intuitionists interpret considered moral judgments as cognitive apprehensions of these truths. Emotivists reject both the postulated truths and the cognitive faculty, viewing moral “intuitions” as strong but ultimately attitudinal responses.

12.3 Utilitarianism and Other Normative Theories

The relation between emotivism and traditions such as utilitarianism or Kantian ethics is primarily methodological:

AspectEmotivismNormative Theories (e.g., Utilitarianism)
AimAnalyze meaning and function of moral language.Provide substantive criteria for right and wrong actions.
Status of PrinciplesPatterns of attitudes and recommendations.Claims about what agents ought to do (often treated as objective).

Emotivists typically treat utilitarian, Kantian, or virtue‑ethical principles as codifications of attitudes or commitments, not as descriptions of independent moral facts. Nonetheless, proponents of those theories often see themselves as making truth‑apt claims.

12.4 Error Theory (Moral Nihilism)

Error theorists agree with realists that moral statements aim at truth, but maintain that all such statements are false because there are no moral facts. Emotivists reject this shared cognitivist starting point and instead argue that moral language does not, at its core, assert moral facts. The two positions thus differ over both semantic and psychological interpretations of moral discourse, despite a shared anti‑realism.

Some forms of constructivism hold that moral truths are constructed from procedures of rational choice, agreement, or social practice. Emotivism is sometimes compared to such views, since both eschew robust moral realism. However, constructivists typically retain a notion of moral truth relative to the outcome of a specified procedure, whereas emotivists focus on the expression and coordination of attitudes without invoking a constructed truth standard.

These contrasts situate emotivism within a broader landscape of theories, illuminating how its noncognitivist and anti‑realist commitments diverge from both realist and alternative anti‑realist accounts.

13. Criticisms and Challenges to Emotivism

Emotivism has faced extensive criticism, prompting refinements and alternative theories. Objections target its semantics, logic, and implications for moral practice.

13.1 The Frege–Geach (Embedding) Problem

One influential challenge, often associated with Peter Geach, concerns the behavior of moral terms in embedded contexts (e.g., conditionals, negations, arguments):

  • In “If lying is wrong, then getting your little brother to lie is wrong,” the clause “lying is wrong” appears in a conditional, not as a direct expression of attitude.
  • Critics argue that emotivism, which treats moral sentences as attitude expressions, struggles to account for the logical structure and validity of such arguments.

This Frege–Geach problem pressures emotivists to explain how moral language can participate in complex logical inferences if its primary function is non‑descriptive.

13.2 Moral Reasoning and Argument

Opponents contend that emotivism underplays the role of reason in moral discourse. Since, on this view, ultimate disagreements in attitude are not rationally resolvable, some argue that emotivism cannot adequately explain:

  • The apparent force of moral arguments.
  • The sense in which people can be mistaken or corrected in their moral views.
  • The practice of moral justification beyond mere persuasion.

Emotivists reply by stressing the significant role of reasoning about facts and consistency, but critics often find this insufficient to capture the depth of moral deliberation.

13.3 Objectivity, Commitment, and Seriousness

Many philosophers worry that emotivism undermines:

  • The objectivity commonly ascribed to moral judgments.
  • The seriousness of moral commitments, especially in condemning atrocities or injustices.
  • The possibility of moral progress, if there are no truths toward which progress can be measured.

From this perspective, emotivism is sometimes accused of collapsing into subjectivism or relativism, although emotivists typically distinguish their view from simple subjectivist theories that treat moral claims as reports of individual preferences.

13.4 Self-Referential and Practical Difficulties

Additional challenges include:

  • Whether emotivism can avoid self‑defeat: if “Emotivism is correct” expresses only an attitude, critics ask how it can claim theoretical authority.
  • How well it captures moral discourse that appears calm, reflective, and seemingly non‑emotional, such as technical discussions of bioethics or legal theory.
  • Whether its focus on persuasion risks endorsing manipulative rhetoric, if no independent moral standards constrain persuasive practices.

These criticisms have motivated more sophisticated noncognitivist theories—especially expressivism and quasi‑realism—that seek to preserve emotivist insights while addressing concerns about logic, objectivity, and moral reasoning.

14. Revisions, Expressivism, and Quasi-Realism

In response to criticisms of classical emotivism, later philosophers developed revised forms of noncognitivism, often grouped under the heading expressivism. These theories seek to retain the core idea that moral language expresses attitudes while better accounting for logical structure, objectivity talk, and inference.

14.1 From Emotivism to Expressivism

Expressivism generalizes emotivism’s insight: moral sentences express non‑cognitive states (plans, commitments, norms) rather than describe facts. However, expressivists:

  • Pay closer attention to the syntax and logic of moral language.
  • Provide formal semantic frameworks to handle embedded moral clauses.
  • Often distance themselves from simplistic “boo–hurrah” formulations.

Simon Blackburn and Allan Gibbard are prominent figures in this development.

14.2 Blackburn’s Quasi-Realism

Simon Blackburn’s quasi‑realism aims to “earn the right” to realist‑sounding moral discourse from within an expressivist base. He argues that:

  • While moral statements express attitudes, we can still make sense of talk about truth, facts, and objectivity as projections of our practices of endorsement and rejection.
  • Logical relations between moral sentences can be modeled within an expressivist semantics, addressing the Frege–Geach problem.

Quasi‑realism thus explains why ordinary moral discourse appears realist without positing independent moral properties.

14.3 Gibbard’s Norm-Expressivism

Allan Gibbard’s norm‑expressivism, especially in Wise Choices, Apt Feelings (1990), interprets moral judgments as expressions of acceptance of norms that guide action and feeling. On this approach:

  • To call an action wrong is to express acceptance of a system of norms that forbids it.
  • Disagreement is normative non‑agreement, not mere difference in attitudes of liking or disliking.

This framework allows for more structured accounts of rationality, coordination, and disagreement within a noncognitivist setting.

14.4 Other Developments and Hybrid Views

Further refinements include:

  • Hybrid theories that combine descriptive and expressive elements in moral semantics.
  • Sophisticated pragmatic accounts of how context determines whether a moral utterance functions more descriptively or expressively.
  • Efforts to link expressivism with broader constructivist or practice‑based approaches to normativity.

While these revisions move beyond classical emotivism, they are widely regarded as part of its intellectual legacy, preserving its emphasis on attitudes while responding to logical and epistemic challenges.

15. Legacy and Historical Significance

Emotivism has played a prominent role in 20th‑century meta‑ethics, leaving a lasting imprint on how philosophers conceive moral language and normativity.

15.1 Shaping the Agenda of Meta-Ethics

By denying that moral statements are straightforwardly truth‑apt descriptions, emotivism helped define central questions for subsequent meta‑ethical debate:

  • Are moral judgments cognitive or non‑cognitive?
  • What, if anything, makes moral claims true or false?
  • How do ethical terms function in ordinary and theoretical discourse?

Even critics of emotivism often adopt its terminology (e.g., noncognitivism, emotive meaning) and address problems first formulated in its wake.

15.2 Influence on Analytic Philosophy of Language

Emotivism contributed to the broader linguistic turn in philosophy by foregrounding the performative and pragmatic dimensions of moral language. It anticipated later work on:

  • Speech acts and the distinction between saying and doing with words.
  • The role of language in shaping social attitudes and identities.
  • Pragmatics and the contextual modulation of meaning.

These connections enriched both ethical theory and philosophy of language.

15.3 Pathway to Expressivism and Quasi-Realism

As discussed in Section 14, emotivism directly inspired modern expressivist and quasi‑realist theories. These views dominate much contemporary noncognitivist meta‑ethics, seeking to retain emotivist insights while addressing worries about logic, objectivity, and reasoning. In this sense, emotivism serves as a historical springboard for more elaborate frameworks.

15.4 Interdisciplinary Resonance

Beyond academic philosophy, emotivist ideas have resonated with:

  • Psychology and cognitive science, which investigate the affective bases of moral judgment.
  • Sociology and political science, where moral and political rhetoric is often analyzed as shaping collective emotions and norms.
  • Cultural and literary studies, which explore how evaluative language and narratives influence moral sensibilities.

In these fields, emotivism’s stress on the emotive and persuasive dimensions of morality has provided conceptual tools for empirical and interpretive research.

15.5 Assessment of Historical Role

While emotivism is no longer the dominant meta‑ethical position, it is widely regarded as a landmark theory in 20th‑century ethics. Its challenge to moral realism, its insistence on analyzing ethical language, and its linkage of morality with human affect and practice continue to inform ongoing debates about the nature of value, normativity, and moral discourse.

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@online{philopedia_emotivism,
  title = {emotivism},
  author = {Philopedia},
  year = {2025},
  url = {https://philopedia.com/schools/emotivism/},
  urldate = {December 10, 2025}
}

Study Guide

Key Concepts

Emotivism

A meta-ethical theory holding that moral judgments primarily express emotions or attitudes (approval/disapproval) rather than describe objective moral facts.

Noncognitivism

The view that moral statements are not truth-apt beliefs or propositions, but expressions of non-cognitive states such as emotions, prescriptions, or commitments.

Emotive Meaning vs. Descriptive Meaning

Descriptive meaning purports to represent how the world is and can be true or false; emotive meaning expresses and tends to arouse feelings or attitudes and is not truth-apt.

Disagreement in Attitude vs. Disagreement in Belief

Disagreement in belief concerns conflicting views about factual matters; disagreement in attitude is a clash of approvals and disapprovals, which emotivists see as fundamental in moral disputes.

Boo–Hurrah Theory

A simplified label for emotivism suggesting that ‘X is bad’ is akin to saying ‘Boo X!’ and ‘Y is good’ to ‘Hurrah Y!,’ emphasizing expression of disapproval/approval.

Persuasive Definition

Stevenson’s idea of defining a term in a way that preserves its descriptive content while redirecting or reinforcing its emotive meaning to influence attitudes.

Moral Anti-Realism (as understood by emotivists)

The claim that there are no stance-independent moral properties or facts; moral predicates do not refer to such entities but express attitudes about non-moral facts.

Expressivism and Quasi-Realism

Later noncognitivist theories that generalize emotivist insights, treating moral claims as expressions of non-cognitive states while developing sophisticated accounts of logic, truth, and objectivity (e.g., Blackburn’s quasi-realism, Gibbard’s norm-expressivism).

Discussion Questions
Q1

In what sense does emotivism claim that saying “Stealing is wrong” is more like saying “Boo stealing!” than like stating a fact? How does this re-interpret ordinary moral discourse?

Q2

How does Stevenson’s distinction between disagreement in belief and disagreement in attitude help explain persistent moral and political conflicts, even when people agree on the facts?

Q3

Compare emotivism’s treatment of moral knowledge with that of ethical intuitionism. What does each theory say we are doing when we confidently assert that some action is wrong?

Q4

Does emotivism adequately capture the role of calm, highly technical moral reasoning (for example, in bioethics committees or legal philosophy)? Why or why not?

Q5

To what extent does emotivism undermine the idea of moral progress (e.g., the abolition of slavery, expanded recognition of rights)? Can an emotivist still say that some changes in attitudes count as ‘improvement’?

Q6

Explain the Frege–Geach problem for emotivism using a specific example of a moral argument. How do later expressivists like Blackburn or Gibbard attempt to respond?

Q7

Is emotivism best interpreted as a purely philosophical theory, or does it also offer a useful lens for empirical research in psychology and political science on moral rhetoric and persuasion?