Judith Ann Tickner
Judith Ann Tickner (1937–2024) was a pioneering American scholar of international relations whose feminist critique of mainstream IR profoundly reshaped political theory, security studies, and ethical debates about war and global justice. Trained within conventional, largely realist frameworks, she became dissatisfied with their abstract treatment of states and power, and their near-total exclusion of women’s experiences and contributions. Her work systematically showed how foundational IR concepts—power, security, anarchy, sovereignty—were built on masculine-coded assumptions about rationality, autonomy, and legitimate violence. In landmark texts such as Gender in International Relations and Gendering World Politics, Tickner proposed alternative, gender-sensitive notions of security that foreground human well-being, care, and structural violence. She advanced a post-positivist, interpretive methodology that treated knowledge as situated and power-laden, aligning IR theory with broader philosophical debates about standpoint epistemology and critical theory. For philosophers, her work matters because it challenges universalistic accounts of political order and ethics, demonstrating that who counts as a “knower” and which experiences are visible can transform our understanding of justice, responsibility, and moral agency in world politics. Tickner’s feminist reconstruction of IR remains a central reference point for normative political theory, critical security studies, and the philosophy of social science.
At a Glance
- Field
- Thinker
- Born
- 1937-12-06 — Rochester, New York, United States
- Died
- 2024-01-26(approx.) — Los Angeles, California, United StatesCause: Complications related to cancer (reported)
- Active In
- United States, United Kingdom, Australia
- Interests
- Feminist international relationsCritique of realism and neo-realismSecurity studiesEthics of war and peacePost-positivist methodologyGlobal justice and genderResponsibility in world politics
Judith Ann Tickner’s core thesis is that mainstream international relations theory, especially realism and neo-realism, is structured by masculinist assumptions about rationality, power, and security that marginalize women’s experiences and forms of violence central to their lives; by exposing and challenging these gendered foundations, feminist approaches can reconceptualize security, sovereignty, and responsibility in relational, care-centered, and justice-oriented terms, thereby transforming both our explanatory theories of world politics and our normative evaluations of war, peace, and global order.
Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security
Composed: Late 1980s–1992
Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post–Cold War Era
Composed: Late 1990s–2001
Hans Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation
Composed: Mid-1980s–1988
You Just Don’t Understand: Troubled Engagements Between Feminists and IR Theorists
Composed: Mid-1990s–1997
Feminist Perspectives on 9/11
Composed: 2001–2003
What Is Your Research Program? Some Feminist Answers to IR’s Methodological Questions
Composed: Early 2000s–2005
On the Frontlines or Sidelines of Knowledge and Power? Feminist Practices of Responsible Scholarship
Composed: Mid-2000s–2007
Security has usually been defined in terms of the security of states from military attack, but if we shift our referent object from states to people, a different set of security concerns emerges.— Judith Ann Tickner, Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), p. 66.
Tickner reframes the concept of security to prioritize human beings and everyday vulnerabilities rather than the military survival of states, laying the groundwork for feminist and human security debates.
The ostensibly universal and objective foundations of realism are, in fact, deeply gendered; they rest on a dichotomy between a masculine sphere of power and rationality and a feminine sphere of weakness and emotion.— Judith Ann Tickner, “Hans Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 17, no. 3 (1988): 429–430.
In her feminist rereading of Morgenthau, Tickner argues that realism’s claim to universality hides its reliance on culturally masculine ideals, calling into question its philosophical authority.
Feminist perspectives suggest that what counts as knowledge in international relations is inseparable from relations of power: whose experiences are taken as typical, whose voices are heard, and whose are silenced.— Judith Ann Tickner, Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post–Cold War Era (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), p. 12.
Here she articulates a feminist epistemological critique, linking knowledge production in IR to broader power structures and legitimizing marginalized standpoints as sources of insight.
If we understand actors as embedded in relationships of interdependence rather than as autonomous, self-helping individuals, then responsibility in world politics must be conceived as shared and relational, not simply as a matter of individual choice.— Judith Ann Tickner, “On the Frontlines or Sidelines of Knowledge and Power? Feminist Practices of Responsible Scholarship,” International Studies Review 8, no. 3 (2006): 385–386.
Tickner challenges individualist conceptions of agency and responsibility, proposing a relational view that has implications for ethics, global justice, and the role of scholars.
Stories of heroic protectors and vulnerable protected obscure the ways in which those who claim to protect often produce insecurity for those on whose behalf they speak.— Judith Ann Tickner, “Feminist Perspectives on 9/11,” International Studies Perspectives 3, no. 4 (2002): 337–338.
Reflecting on post-9/11 security discourses, she critiques gendered narratives of protection that legitimize military violence while marginalizing the insecurities experienced by women and civilians.
Formation within Mainstream International Relations (1960s–early 1980s)
During her early academic career, Tickner was trained in and taught conventional IR, especially realism and neo-realism. She absorbed their focus on state-centric power politics and national security, but began to notice their silence about women, colonial histories, and everyday forms of violence. This period provided the conceptual repertoire—Morgenthau, Waltz, balance of power—that she would later critically reinterpret.
Feminist Turn and Critique of Realism (mid-1980s–1990s)
Influenced by second-wave feminism and emerging feminist scholarship in social science, Tickner turned explicitly to gender as an analytic category. Her feminist reformulation of Morgenthau and her book *Gender in International Relations* re-read core IR concepts through a feminist lens, arguing that realism’s supposedly universal principles were in fact deeply gendered. She contrasted a masculinist ethic of autonomy and domination with feminist ethics of care, relationality, and emancipation.
Post–Cold War Expansion and Methodological Reflection (1990s–2000s)
As global politics shifted after the Cold War, Tickner broadened feminist IR to address globalization, humanitarian intervention, peacekeeping, and international political economy. In works like *Gendering World Politics* she linked feminist theory with postcolonial and critical theory, while her essays on epistemology contested positivist notions of objectivity. She advocated pluralistic, interpretive methodologies and insisted on the political and ethical stakes of knowledge production in IR.
Responsibility, Ethics, and Global Justice (2000s–2010s)
Later work concentrated on the ethics of war, the war on terror, and the politics of responsibility in global governance. Tickner highlighted how gendered narratives of protection and heroism legitimize violence, and how marginalized voices are excluded from debates over security and intervention. She elaborated a relational conception of responsibility grounded in vulnerability, interdependence, and attention to structural injustices, influencing normative IR and political philosophy.
Reflective Consolidation and Mentorship (2010s–2024)
In her final decade, Tickner reflected on the trajectory of feminist IR, the politics of voice, and the institutional challenges facing critical scholarship. She engaged in dialogues with scholars from the Global South, interrogating Eurocentric and colonial assumptions in IR theory. Simultaneously, she played an important mentoring role, helping to institutionalize feminist and critical approaches that continue to shape debates in political theory and the philosophy of international order.
1. Introduction
Judith Ann Tickner (1937–2024) is widely regarded as a foundational figure in feminist international relations (IR). Writing against the backdrop of a discipline dominated by realism and neo-realism, she argued that core IR concepts—power, security, anarchy, and sovereignty—are shaped by historically specific, masculine-coded assumptions. Her work shows how these assumptions structure what counts as rational action, legitimate violence, and meaningful political agency in world politics.
Tickner’s contributions are both theoretical and methodological. Theoretically, she “gendered” IR by demonstrating that international politics cannot be understood without examining how gendered divisions of labor, representations of masculinity and femininity, and hierarchies of vulnerability and protection organize global life. Methodologically, she helped establish post-positivist and standpoint-based approaches within IR, insisting that knowledge is situated and intertwined with power relations.
For scholars of political and moral philosophy, Tickner is significant because she reopens long-standing debates about human nature, rationality, and the ethics of war from a feminist perspective. Her reconceptualization of security as human and gendered, and of responsibility as relational, has influenced discussions of just war, humanitarian intervention, and global justice.
Tickner’s writings have become central reference points for critical security studies, feminist theory, and the philosophy of social science, generating extensive debates over the scope of IR, the meaning of objectivity, and the place of marginalized voices in global political thought.
2. Life and Historical Context
Tickner’s life and career unfolded alongside major geopolitical shifts and the rise of feminist scholarship in the social sciences. Born in 1937 in Rochester, New York, she came of age during the early Cold War, when IR in the United States was consolidating around realist and later neo-realist explanations of superpower rivalry. Her graduate training in the 1960s and 1970s occurred in departments where state-centric, military-focused theories dominated curricula and research agendas.
Her professional trajectory coincided with second-wave feminism and the institutionalization of women’s studies in North America and Europe. As feminist critiques of male bias in sociology, history, and political science gained prominence, Tickner began to transpose similar concerns into IR, a field that was slower than others to integrate gender as an analytic category.
The late Cold War and post–Cold War periods formed the immediate context for her major works. The nuclear arms race, proxy wars, and debates about deterrence provided the backdrop for her early criticisms of realist security thinking. The end of the Cold War, humanitarian interventions in the Balkans and Africa, and the rise of globalization and transnational governance then opened new empirical and normative questions that she addressed in her post-1990s writings.
Tickner’s later work on the war on terror and 9/11 was shaped by the securitization of everyday life, expanding surveillance, and shifting justifications for the use of force. Throughout, she was attentive to how these historical developments intersected with gender, race, and colonial legacies, situating contemporary IR within longer histories of empire and patriarchal social organization.
| Period | Broader Context | Relevance to Tickner |
|---|---|---|
| 1950s–70s | Cold War, rise of realism, second-wave feminism | Formation within mainstream IR; emerging feminist lens |
| 1980s–90s | Late Cold War, end of bipolarity | Feminist critique of realism; Gender in International Relations |
| 2000s–2010s | Globalization, 9/11, war on terror | Work on security, responsibility, and knowledge production |
3. Intellectual Development
Tickner’s intellectual development is often described in phases that track both disciplinary change in IR and her engagement with feminist and critical theory.
Formation within Mainstream IR
Initially trained in conventional IR, Tickner worked within frameworks heavily influenced by Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Waltz, and deterrence theory. Her early teaching and research were grounded in these paradigms, which treated states as rational, autonomous actors in an anarchic international system. Over time, she became increasingly skeptical about their silence on social hierarchies, everyday violence, and the absence of women as subjects or analysts.
Feminist Turn
In the mid-1980s, influenced by feminist scholarship across the social sciences, she undertook an explicit feminist rereading of realism. Her 1988 article on Morgenthau marked a transition from internal critique to systematic reconstruction: instead of simply appending women to existing theories, she questioned the gendered assumptions organizing those theories’ core concepts and ethics.
Post–Cold War Expansion and Methodological Reflection
With the publication of Gender in International Relations (1992) and Gendering World Politics (2001), Tickner extended her feminist critique to issues of development, global governance, and peacekeeping. During this period, she became a prominent advocate of post-positivist and interpretive methodologies. She engaged debates over explanation vs. understanding, objectivity vs. standpoint, and quantitative vs. qualitative methods, arguing for pluralism and reflexivity.
Ethics, Responsibility, and Global Justice
From the 2000s onward, Tickner focused more explicitly on ethics and responsibility, particularly in relation to war, intervention, and the global political economy. She developed the notion of relational responsibility, engaging with feminist ethics of care and critical theory to rethink how obligations arise in a deeply interdependent world.
Reflective Consolidation
In her later years, Tickner reflected on the trajectory of feminist IR, its partial institutionalization, and its blind spots, including Eurocentrism and insufficient engagement with the Global South. She participated in dialogues with postcolonial and decolonial scholars, revisiting and revising some earlier formulations to account more fully for race, empire, and global inequalities in knowledge production.
4. Major Works and Key Texts
Tickner’s major works are often discussed as milestones in the evolution of feminist IR and critical security studies. They span theoretical critique, thematic applications, and methodological reflection.
Monographs and Book-Length Studies
| Work | Focus | Significance |
|---|---|---|
| Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving Global Security (1992) | Critique of realism; reconceptualization of security from a gendered, human-centered standpoint | Widely seen as founding text of feminist IR; introduces “gendered security” and challenges state-centric notions of threat |
| Gendering World Politics: Issues and Approaches in the Post–Cold War Era (2001) | Application of feminist analysis to globalization, peacekeeping, development, and international political economy | Extends feminist IR beyond security to broader global governance and methodological questions |
These books systematize arguments first developed in earlier articles and later elaborated in essays on methodology and ethics.
Influential Articles and Essays
| Text | Core Contribution |
|---|---|
| “Hans Morgenthau’s Principles of Political Realism: A Feminist Reformulation” (1988) | Offers a feminist reinterpretation of Morgenthau’s six principles, exposing their gendered assumptions and sketching alternative, relational understandings of power and national interest |
| “You Just Don’t Understand: Troubled Engagements Between Feminists and IR Theorists” (1997) | Diagnoses miscommunication between mainstream IR and feminist scholars, arguing that divergent epistemological and ontological commitments underlie debates about rigor and relevance |
| “What Is Your Research Program? Some Feminist Answers to IR’s Methodological Questions” (2005) | Positions feminist IR as a distinctive research program; clarifies its ontological focus on social relations and its methodological commitment to interpretive, context-sensitive inquiry |
| “On the Frontlines or Sidelines of Knowledge and Power? Feminist Practices of Responsible Scholarship” (2007) | Articulates an ethic of scholarly responsibility; links positionality and voice to power in knowledge production |
| “Feminist Perspectives on 9/11” (2002) | Applies feminist analysis to post-9/11 discourses of protection and heroism; explores how these narratives legitimize war and obscure everyday insecurities |
These texts, taken together, have been used both as entry points for students into feminist IR and as touchstones in ongoing debates about security, method, and ethics within the discipline.
5. Core Ideas: Gender, Power, and Security
Tickner’s core theoretical contributions center on rethinking gender, power, and security as mutually constitutive dimensions of international politics.
Gender as Analytical Category
Rather than treating gender as synonymous with women, Tickner presents gender as a set of socially constructed meanings attached to masculinity and femininity. These meanings organize political roles (protector/protected), forms of labor (combatant/caregiver), and hierarchies of rationality and emotion. Proponents of this view argue that such gendered binaries underpin IR’s conventional separation of “high politics” (war, diplomacy) from “low politics” (social welfare, reproduction).
Power: From Domination to Relationality
Against images of power as control and domination, associated with realist thought, Tickner develops a relational conception of power. She emphasizes power as the capacity to enable, nurture, and sustain relationships, drawing on feminist theory and critical social theory. Supporters contend that this shift uncovers forms of structural and symbolic power—such as gendered economic dependence or sexualized violence—that traditional IR rarely theorizes.
| Concept | Conventional IR | Tickner’s Feminist Recasting |
|---|---|---|
| Power | Control, coercion, military capability | Relational, enabling, embedded in social hierarchies |
| Actor | Autonomous, rational state | Interdependent, socially embedded individuals and communities |
Security: From States to People
Tickner’s most cited idea is a gendered reconceptualization of security. She argues that dominant definitions—focused on territorial integrity and military threats to states—mask everyday insecurities experienced by individuals, particularly women: domestic violence, economic deprivation, and environmental degradation.
“If we shift our referent object from states to people, a different set of security concerns emerges.”
— Judith Ann Tickner, Gender in International Relations, p. 66
Her work aligns with and influences human security frameworks but adds sustained emphasis on gendered divisions of labor, embodiment, and care. Critics sometimes claim that such broadening risks diluting analytic precision; advocates respond that it corrects a systematic neglect of pervasive, non-military harms.
Gendered Narratives of Protection
Tickner also examines how stories of heroic protectors and vulnerable protected legitimize violence and obscure its gendered consequences. She maintains that these narratives shape public consent for war while rendering invisible those who bear the brunt of conflict, including civilians and caregivers, thereby linking symbolic gender orders to concrete security practices.
6. Methodology and Philosophy of Social Science
Tickner’s methodological writings position feminist IR within broader debates about positivism, objectivity, and the nature of explanation in the social sciences.
Critique of Positivism
She argues that dominant IR methodologies, inspired by natural science models, presume a sharp separation between facts and values and aim for prediction through law-like generalizations. Tickner contends that such positivist approaches obscure the value-laden nature of key concepts (e.g., rationality, interest, security) and reproduce existing power hierarchies by taking the standpoint of dominant actors as neutral.
Proponents of her critique maintain that IR’s claim to value-neutrality often privileges Western, masculinized perspectives. Some defenders of positivism reply that Tickner underestimates the capacity of quantitative and formal methods to incorporate gendered variables and to uncover hidden biases.
Standpoint, Interpretation, and Reflexivity
Drawing on feminist standpoint epistemology, she maintains that knowledge is shaped by the knower’s social position and that marginalized standpoints can reveal aspects of world politics invisible from dominant perspectives.
“What counts as knowledge in international relations is inseparable from relations of power: whose experiences are taken as typical, whose voices are heard, and whose are silenced.”
— Judith Ann Tickner, Gendering World Politics, p. 12
Methodologically, Tickner defends interpretive and contextual approaches that prioritize understanding meaning, practices, and narratives over prediction. She aligns feminist IR with other post-positivist currents—such as critical theory and post-structuralism—while also emphasizing empirical grounding in lived experiences, interviews, and case studies.
Research Programs and Pluralism
In “What Is Your Research Program?”, she presents feminist IR as a research program with distinctive ontological assumptions (relational, socially constructed actors) and methodological preferences (qualitative, reflexive, participatory). She does not reject all forms of explanation but calls for methodological pluralism that recognizes different questions require different tools.
Ethics of Scholarship
Tickner also advances a philosophy of responsible scholarship, arguing that researchers are implicated in the power structures they study. She urges reflexivity about how academic narratives can either reinforce or challenge militarization, marginalization, and colonial hierarchies. Critics sometimes worry this blurs lines between analysis and advocacy; supporters see it as a realistic acknowledgment of the politics of knowledge.
7. Contributions to Political and Moral Philosophy
Tickner’s work intersects with political and moral philosophy by rethinking core categories of agency, responsibility, and justice in international affairs.
Rethinking Agency and Human Nature
Against realist images of atomistic, self-regarding individuals and states, she draws on feminist ethics and social theory to depict agents as relational and interdependent. This challenges philosophical accounts that ground political order in fear-driven self-help behavior and suggests alternative bases for cooperation rooted in care, trust, and mutual vulnerability.
Security, Violence, and Just War
By expanding security to encompass structural and gender-based violence, Tickner indirectly contests traditional just war theory, which tends to focus on interstate war and combatant conduct. Proponents argue that her perspective shifts moral attention to harms produced by sanctions, occupation, economic restructuring, and domestic abuse. Some ethicists, however, question whether such broadened notions of violence can be integrated coherently into just war frameworks without losing focus.
Relational Responsibility
Tickner’s notion of relational responsibility contributes to debates over moral obligation in a globalized world. She maintains that responsibility arises from webs of interdependence rather than from isolated choices:
“Responsibility in world politics must be conceived as shared and relational, not simply as a matter of individual choice.”
— Judith Ann Tickner, “On the Frontlines or Sidelines…,” p. 385–386
This view aligns with feminist ethics of care and some communitarian and critical theories, challenging liberal accounts that prioritize individual culpability and state consent. Supporters see it as better capturing complex, transboundary harms; critics worry it may diffuse responsibility so broadly that assigning concrete duties becomes difficult.
Global Justice and Structural Injustice
Tickner’s attention to structural injustice—including gendered labor markets, militarized economies, and colonial legacies—intersects with philosophical debates on global justice. While not formulating a comprehensive theory of distributive justice, she foregrounds how global orders systematically allocate insecurity and vulnerability along gendered and racial lines. This emphasis has been taken up by philosophers and IR theorists interested in integrating feminist and postcolonial insights into accounts of global fairness and obligation.
8. Impact on International Relations and Feminist Theory
Tickner’s impact is visible both in the transformation of IR as a discipline and in the development of feminist theory about global politics.
Institutionalization of Feminist IR
Her writings helped legitimate feminist IR as a recognized subfield. Texts like Gender in International Relations became standard references in graduate syllabi, and her arguments were widely discussed in mainstream IR journals. Supporters credit her with opening space for subsequent generations of scholars to pursue gender-focused research on topics ranging from peacekeeping and diplomacy to global finance and climate change.
Engagement with Mainstream IR
Tickner’s critiques prompted sustained dialogue between feminists and mainstream theorists. Some realists and neoliberals incorporated gender as a variable into existing frameworks, while others debated her methodological and epistemological claims. The article “You Just Don’t Understand” is frequently cited in discussions of disciplinary boundary policing and the politics of citation, showing how her work not only introduced new content but also reshaped meta-theoretical conversations.
Contributions to Feminist Theory
Within feminist theory, Tickner is often cited as a leading figure who extended feminist analysis from domestic politics and development into high politics and security. Her emphasis on narratives of protection and the gendering of violence influenced feminist work on militarism, nationalism, and the war on terror. At the same time, some postcolonial and intersectional feminists later pushed her framework to engage more fully with race, empire, and the Global South, generating productive extensions and revisions.
Cross-Current Influence
Tickner’s ideas have interacted with other critical approaches—constructivism, critical security studies, post-structuralism—contributing to a broader “reflectivist” turn in IR. Her methodological arguments about standpoint and reflexivity influenced debates about interpretive methods and ethics of fieldwork. Conversely, engagements with postcolonial and decolonial scholars have led to critical reassessments of Eurocentric tendencies in early feminist IR, including aspects of her own work.
Overall, her impact is reflected in the proliferation of gender-focused research agendas and in the normalization of questions about who is secured, by whom, and at whose expense in contemporary IR scholarship.
9. Critiques, Debates, and Continuing Discussions
Tickner’s work has generated extensive debate across theoretical, methodological, and political dimensions.
Realist and Rationalist Critiques
Some realist and rational-choice theorists argue that her critiques mischaracterize mainstream IR by focusing on caricatured versions of realism and underestimating the flexibility of rationalist models. They contend that gender can be incorporated as an additional variable within existing frameworks without rethinking foundational assumptions about states, interests, or anarchy. From this perspective, her turn to interpretivism is seen as sacrificing predictive power and cumulative knowledge.
Methodological Objections
Defenders of positivist methodologies question Tickner’s stance on objectivity and rigor, suggesting that standpoint and interpretive approaches risk relativism or ideological bias. They debate whether her calls for pluralism adequately specify criteria for evaluating competing explanations, and whether normative commitments unduly shape empirical claims.
Feminist and Postcolonial Critiques
Within feminist and critical circles, there have been internal critiques. Some intersectional feminists and postcolonial scholars argue that early feminist IR, including parts of Tickner’s work, foregrounded gender while insufficiently engaging race, class, sexuality, and colonial histories. They call for decentering Western experiences and incorporating non-Western epistemologies, sometimes viewing her contributions as necessary but partial steps.
Others interrogate whether the focus on security and the state, even when “gendered,” may inadvertently reproduce statist or militarized logics. Debates continue over how far to move beyond security as an organizing concept toward alternative frameworks, such as care, commons, or decolonial solidarity.
Ongoing Discussions
Tickner’s notions of relational power and relational responsibility remain subjects of active discussion. Supporters explore their compatibility with existing theories of agency and justice; skeptics question their precision and applicability in policy contexts. Similarly, her broad conception of violence is praised for exposing hidden harms but challenged for potentially stretching the concept to the point of losing analytical clarity.
These debates have not displaced her work; rather, they have turned it into a key reference point against which subsequent theories define their own positions on gender, security, and knowledge in world politics.
10. Legacy and Historical Significance
Tickner’s legacy is often assessed in terms of her role in reshaping both the agenda and the self-understanding of international relations as a discipline.
Reframing the Discipline
She is widely credited with helping to institutionalize questions of gender and everyday life at the heart of IR inquiry. By insisting that the discipline’s core concepts were historically gendered and politically consequential, she contributed to a broader rethinking of what counts as relevant subject matter in IR, extending it beyond interstate war to include care work, domestic violence, and structural economic inequalities.
Canon Formation and Teaching
Her books and articles have become canonical readings in courses on IR theory, security studies, and feminist theory. This pedagogical presence has shaped the training of multiple generations of scholars, normalizing feminist perspectives as part of mainstream theoretical debates rather than as marginal add-ons.
Influence Beyond IR
Tickner’s reconceptualizations of security, power, and responsibility have influenced research in peace and conflict studies, development studies, and global ethics, where scholars draw on her work to analyze humanitarian intervention, peacebuilding, and global governance. Her methodological reflections contributed to interdisciplinary conversations about reflexivity, positionality, and the politics of knowledge.
Historical Position
Historically, Tickner is often situated within the “third debate” in IR—between positivist and post-positivist approaches—and within the rise of feminist and critical theories from the late 20th century onward. Commentators typically see her as a bridge figure, articulating feminist concerns in a language legible to mainstream IR while also pushing feminist theory toward global and security issues.
Her death in 2024 prompted renewed evaluations of feminist IR’s achievements and limitations. Scholars continue to revisit her work, sometimes revising or extending her arguments in light of contemporary concerns—such as climate change, digital surveillance, and decolonial politics—indicating that her conceptual innovations remain central reference points in debates over how to understand and ethically evaluate world politics.
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title = {Judith Ann Tickner},
author = {Philopedia},
year = {2025},
url = {https://philopedia.com/thinkers/j-ann-tickner/},
urldate = {December 11, 2025}
}Note: This entry was last updated on 2025-12-10. For the most current version, always check the online entry.